“চোট-পাট বেত্তান্ত [Jute Industry in West Bengal]”

দেবপ্রসাদ বন্দ্যোপাধ্যায়


Indian Statistical Institute

January 25, 2007

coT-paT bettanto, Tepantar Vol. VI, pp.29-66, 2008

Abstract: 
The investigator, out of his severe guilt feeling as he is a member of the leisure class, executed some self-funded projects related to socio-economic conditions of West Bengal. One of them is jute industry in West Bengal, India. He had surveyed jute cultivation and industry (59 Factories). Methodologically speaking, he had not followed any statistical sample survey techniques as he wished to reject state-statistics unholy nexus following Foucauldian paradigm; secondly, under the deployment of scheduled survey techniques, subjects were objectified and they underwent metonymic transformation. According to investigator, a Foucauldian, that is a sever violence. Therefore, instead of this technique he followed his own version of qualitative ethno-methodology or snow-ball method for understanding such domains. His findings are as follows: • Economics is not a so-called natural science that could be guided by the laws of physics. Thus the universalization of economic laws is not at all possible. Econometric analysis does not able to predict future economic condition. • The governmental statistics does not match with the ground-reality narratives. • The so-called binary division between organized and unorganized sector does not work at all — a fuzzy zone of organized-unorganized sector has been evolved in the West Bengal industrial scenario. • The existence of disembodied (a phantom or ghost-like entity) owners of several industries has been observed in organized jute industry, coal industry as well as in unorganized basalt-quarries. • Due to automation and manipulative procedures taken by the owners of industries and due to the conversion of surplus labour-necessary labour ratio in the form of money-sign, null-workers are “working” without any work in the sphere of economy. The extraction is possible due to the diachronically accumulated surplus labor from the deceased null workers. Null workers exist and do not exist. • By the virtue of the labour of the deceased null workers, owners are creating a accumulative space, where one can convert money-sign to another money-sign, i.e., the domain of dangerous share market. Specters of the null workers are not at all haunting here, where capital to commodity transformation has become merely a place of conspicuous consumption of the minority super-rich people, who have the fetish for the ostentatious display of eco-enemy commodities. • The role of state is minimal — collusion of super-rich, a minority, is reigning with the help of ideological state apparatuses. • The investigator is emphasizing on using local terms to depict the nature of economics as it is found in glocal (global local) context of West Bengal. If Sahibs could use so-called anti-languages like plum or lemon market, what is wrong with the terms like lokkhibar (no consuming day), tola (illegal levy), pORta (covert weight), gunda tax (tax to be paid to the goons), bani (the hidden residue of the gold at the time of reselling), Soru line (illegal path) phoRe (the ‘illegal’ agent), cinHat (signs or a type of archewriting that regulates the parallel market with legal conflict)? • The role of political parties here surprising enough. There is no question of ideology as advertised by the respective parties, rather they are using ideology as a mask. They are acting as private limited company as the corporatization of those parties guided by management gurus has successfully established in the dollar-controlled democracy.

 

Note: Downloadable document is in Bengali.

Number of Pages in PDF File: 19

Keywords: null worker, disembodied owners, surplus extractor, fuzziness of formal-informal sectors

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About Debaprasad Bandyopadhyay

Debaprasad Bandyopdhyay (b. 1965), through his 25 years journey in the realm of institutionalized academics did 27 different types of works, which are someway different from the earlier paradigms or, one might say that those works are not only mere reproductions of his inherited institutionalized cultural capital or a mimicry of a colonially imposed model that leads to intellectual anorexia or rather a type falsification of earlier paradigms. However, that might be not only a lofty claim but it also hid the fact that all our information and knowledge are socially accumulated knowledge that was, it is matter of regret, posed as private property through the sign © and the wisdom is rarely available. Bandyopadhyay’s works and projects are the products of his social milieu. Bandyopadhyay is a local sub-altern public sphere academician, who avoids the technical intelligentsia (followers of Sahib’s models and they are not committed to the persons who are accommodating surplus work-time to them by performing surplus labour) or inorganic intellectuals and thus fails to be a part of academic tribe and its subsequent socialization process. Of course, that socialization process does not lead to legendary Socratic dialogue. He is also a political activist though he has not affiliated to any political parties as he was always talking about the corporatization of political parties within the money-sign-based democratic system. He is a regular participant in TV and radio talk-shows and documentary films, street-corners’ talks and International seminars on socio-political, psychological, linguistic, environmental and economic issues. He also writes editorial columns in newspapers. He is also a part of parallel academics as it is found in West Bengal’s Little Magazine Movement, though that was not counted as the part his academic pursuit by his parent institute. His parent institute justifiably does not believe in the domain of parallel academics as this unorganized sector does not directly contribute in the transactions of formal/organized print capitalist eco-enemy paper-publication. Though the dissemination of knowledge is also observed in this space of these parallel academics as all these writings in public sphere simultaneously influence the classroom-discourse and some of them are translated into English, French and Italian. Not only that, Bandyopadhyay also sought engagement with the people, who, by supplying their surplus labour, are sustaining his livelihood. Bandyopadhyay, a linguist by training and a Ph.D.-holder (1996), a junior lecturer (1999-2011) in an autonomous central government institute in India, tries his best for those from he has received and is receiving the manifestation of surplus labour by executing some self-funded projects on economic issues in West Bengal, India. Recently he has got a consolation promotion to the post of Assistant Professor. He has done following 27 research works: 1. Crippled Creativity: An inquiry into language, psyche, society: 2. VALENCY OF BANGLA VERB AND PROBLEM OF COMPOUND VERBS: 3. Archaeology of Bangla Grammar : 4. CAN COMPUTER SPEAK? 5. FUZZY LOGICAL EXPRESSION IN BANGLA : 6. FOLKLORE AND FOLK-LANGUAGE: MYTH OR REALITY? 7. HISTORICISM IN THE DISCOURSE OF BANGLA LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE 8. ABHABA, ECP, DELETION AND TRACE 9. SVATVA OR MY-NESS AND ECONOMIC ENTITLEMEMT 10. TRANSLATION STUDIES 11. MASCULINITY STUDIES 12. YAYATI & BABAR COMPLEX 13. SOCIO-ECONOMIC SURVEYS IN AGRICULTURE AND INDUSTRY IN WEST BENGAL 14. CONCEPT OF BODY IN INDIAN PHILOSOPHY AND ARCHITECTURE 15. THE CONCEPT OF ERROR (KHYATI) IN MAD-(WO)MEN’S LANGUAGE 16. THE CONCEPT OF PERCEPTUAL TIME AND GRAMMATICAL TIME IN BANGLA 17. BANGLA CALLIGRAPHY, LANGUAGE ART AND LINGUISTIC PEDAGOGY 18. WO(L)D SPACES: NON-EXISTENCE OF WORDS 19. ANEKANTA METHODS 20. SILENCEME: SILENT OTHER IN LINGUISTICS 21. IMAGINED BOUDARIES AND PRE-COLONIAL INDIAN IMAGI-NATION 22. MAKING OF THE INDIAN PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE 23. SEGMENTING THE SUPRASEGMENTALS : MUSICKING IN SPEAKING 24. INTERPRETING GENETIC STRUCTURE BY DEPLOYING LINGUISTIC STRUCTURE 25. GLOTTOPOLITICS OF LINGUISTIC SUBALTERNITY OR AN AGENDA FOR PLANNING FROM BELOW 26. SEMIOTICS OF PHOTOGRAPHY 27. SOCIOLOGY OF CONTEMPORARY ACADEMICS
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